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Chautauqua, adult education, Holy Land Nostalgia and the American Religious culture

September 29, 2010

Preliminary Remarks
In recent years, much work has been done to correlate “pilgrimage” tourism with the Holy Land. This is particularly true of the Holy Lands of the Middle East from Mecca to Jerusalem. In the case of the land of Palestine, strenuous effort is made to excavate and reconstitute the remnants and relics of a Biblical past through archaeology. This is considered important by the nationalists and those who claim genealogical connection in order to establish primacy and consanguity. Ever since the British colonization of the land of Palestine, and the increasing number of American pilgrims and religious visitors making their way to the ‘Holy Land’ in order to fulfill their dreams of walking on ‘Biblical grounds,’ archaeology and ‘artifact collecting’ had been a diversion for these visitors who wanted to bring home a part of the Holy Land with them. At the same time, archaeology, vastly popular past-time with amateurs and hobbyists, were being taken over by professionals trained to make educated ‘scientific’ hypotheses.

Nonetheless, these professionals are not without their culturally-mediated biases and sympathies. Moreover, the inability of one to trace, and attribute, to an artifact its relationship to the ontogeny of a civilization or culture is due to the stratification, amalgamation and entanglements between cultures situated in neighboring timelines, as well as cultures that could both subside into the margins and rise into magnificent glory at different periods of time. Moreover, no cultures or civilizations ever really exist in isolation from that of the other existing civilizations. In a land of nomadic tribes with constant warfare, gray areas of history blanked out, records non-existent or destroyed, and cultures ineluctably bound and connected to each other in some ways, the only point of differentiation may be the particularities of semiotics in certain languages and religious practices.

I come from a long lineage of scholars who had done work on cultural imperialism and the West. Within this discourse also lie the American political/economic/religious culture and their relationship with the rest of the world. In my case, I am interested to look at the intersecting relationships between the capitalistic, religious, educational and print culture of the United States in conjunction with its fetishized relationship to the land of Palestine, going as far back as the nineteenth century. It would be beyond the scope of this paper to carry out so ambitious a project. So what I intend to do here, on a smaller scale, and which will be my preliminary foray, is to look at how print-culture and educational movements have been used as strategies to forge that continuous link and fantasy, whether conscious or unconscious, between the American people and the Holy Land. Some of these links are indirect and in some, the original purpose of relieving the masses’ ignorance of the Bible and its legacy has actually led to other movements and other forms of consumption.

As a specific example of what I have been outlining in the previous paragraphs, I would like to take a critical tour into the history of the formation of the Chautauqua Institution, particularly the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle, by looking at the epistemological motivation of the founders in their relationship to Palestine. One of the ways in which I intend to examine this epistemic formation is by playing the role of an archaeologist sifting through the publications, ephemera, or books, of this institution that are related directly or indirectly to its founding spirit. In other words, I hope to use my study of the history of print culture of the Chautauqua institution to extrapolate into and analyze the interactions between American culture and the politics, teleology, and epistemology of religious beliefs and practices as they evolved from the mid-nineteenth century (at the time of the institution’s foundation) to about the 1920s, just as when a new generation of administrators and leaders took over the running of the institution. In other words, I am interested in following the epistemological trajectory as epitomized by the ‘intentions’ of the founders such as Lester Miller, John H Vincent, and Jesse Lyman Hurlbut.

It is interesting that the time frame which I am looking at predates the rise of Zionism and when excavations into Palestine religious and cultural past were mainly the domain of European and American archaeologists. Hence, colonial and imperialist discourse would certainly be part of the rubric of analysis of that historical moment. However, as I intend to allow the materials I am able to unearth to take the lead for my analysis, the cultural analysis which I can offer will be circumscribed by the material objects I am able to access. Moreover, I will extrapolate from less contingent materials to fill in the gaps where necessary. My analysis of the materials will enable the elucidation on the relationships between geopiety, reading culture and adult education movement that form the basis of the Chautauqua institution’s establishment.

The Chautauqua Institution is a study in contradiction. Its founders were against proselytizing and revival-style camps, which for them was a form of emotional drunkardness that did not quite edify. Instead, they believed in inculcating a mind and spirit ready for study by using rigorous inculcation of Biblical history, geography and culture, whether through secular- or religion-based education. It is no coincidence that the founding of the institution and the establishment of the Palestine Park came about at around the same period. Hence, a lot of the literature that discusses the purpose of the institution’s establishment and work would also include popular educational materials about the Park. The literature published that present the multiple aspects of the Chautauqua movements, ideals, goals and objectives come in many forms; ranging from teaching manuals, autobiographies, hagiographies, novels, newspaper articles, to pamphlets and brochures describing reading plans, home-schooling and the institution’s educational curriculum. The Holy Land consciousness was stronger in the 19th century than in the 20th century (except for the period before the First World War), even though the Palestine Park remains an attraction to visitors of the Chautauqua to this day, As time goes by, the growing secularism of the institution due to the rise of capitalism and a democratic society means that an increasing number of non-Biblical events, lectureships, performances and courses were introduced in order to attract and maintain a sustainable membership.

I argue that the establishment of the Chautauqua Institute and the construction and continuous improvement on the Palestine Park is predicated on a particular sentiment and nostalgia that North American Protestants have towards their Christian heritage. This sentiment and nostalgia have been well-recorded in many travelogues as well as studies on the relationship between nineteenth century Western imperialists/colonialists with the Oriental other. I have no intention of going into the details of the historiography relating to expeditions, explorations and field-trips made to Palestine for the purpose of excavation, rehabilitation, record and collection, even if these go a long way in creating images of geopiety in devout American Christians. Instead, I want to concentrate on how the American imagery of Palestine/Holy Land is continuously sustained by the recreation of its utopic counterpart in specific geographies and through the establishment of a popular adult education system. I argue that the Sunday School program plays a big role in sustaining a continuous interest in the geography of religions, and this ‘edification’ effort is proliferated through the publications that relate directly or indirectly to the subject produced by the institute, as well as writers who had been affiliated to the institute at one point or other. Some of these publications also exist as trade articles (such as the one that appears in the World Fair Bulletin or the Chautauqua Assembly), advertisement and billings. Ironically, even with the institute’s noble intention of educating the masses and to make accessible learning to those normally barred from it, institutions such as the Chautauqua are responsible for reviving and capitalizing in the geopiety fever that latter made Holy Land theme parks such as the one in Orlando, Florida popular with pilgrim-tourists internationally. Moreover, the Chautauqua (and its nationwide circuit tours) is quintessentially American by way of the peculiarities of its religious history, popular culture and relationship to Palestine up to this day. Hence, it would be hard replicate the same experience in any other part of the world.

To give a brief historical background to the geopiety movement in the United States, I will turn to an article by John Kirtland Wright in his article “Notes on Early American Geopiety.” Firstly, he gave the different definitions used to define terms such as geopiety, geotheology and geoteleology;
Geopiety could be regarded as a province in a larger kingdom of georeligion (or geoeusebia?), and the latter, in turn, as part of the still greater unnamed empire where religion and geograph meet. Similarly, geopiety could be viewed as including various counties and other districts, among them geotheology and geoteleology…(251). Wright argues that geopious expressions in more sophisticated geotheological forms were more present in the pre-Civl War American geographical writings in an earnest bid to explain origins or interpret the influences of terrestrial circumstances. He ventures that from the time of the Founding Puritan Pilgrims until the latter part of the 18th century, American geographical epistemology “absorbed piety from the surrounding intellectual atmosphere as a towel does moisture from a down-East fog. Since then, there has been a gradual secular change in the intellectual climate, reflected in a progressive if spasmodic decrease in the ‘humid’ components of openly expressed piety in scholarship of other than a specifically theological nature (253).”

Therefore, the Chautauqua institution was established with the purpose of reversing such desiccation of the human soul that sacrifices spiritual knowledge to worldly ontologies. After all, as Lewis Miller proclaimed in his introduction to John Heyl Vincent’s Chautauqua Movement

Chautauqua was founded for an enlarged recognition of the Word. What more appropriate than to find some beautiful plateau of nature’s own building for its rostrum, with the sky for its frescoed ceiling, the continents for its floor, the camp-meeting spirit of prayer and praise for its rostrum exercises, the church-school for thought and development? It was, at the start, made catholic as to creeds; not undenominational, but all-denominational, – a place where each denomination or organization, as at the great feasts, brings its best contribution which the particular order would develop as a consecrated offering for magnifying God’s word and work; and, when gathered, each to bring its strongest light, and with the lights blending and the rays strengthened and focused, with square and plumb, with compass and sun-dial, with telescope and microscope, with steam-engine and telegraph, with laboratory and blackboard, with hammer and spade, search out the deep and hidden mysteries of the Book. (v Vincent)

Vincent himself argues that the establishment of the Chautauqua is for the mental, social, moral and religious nourishment of the populace. The purpose is to promote the combination of domesticity, religiosity, education, and industry, hence approximating a well-rounded education that would create an emotionally and spiritually-balanced individual. For those who could spare the time and money, they would make the journey to the Chautauqua Institute, which was slowly extending the length and seasons in which it would hold classes on the grounds, to attend, first, the Sunday School Teaching-Training and then later, not necessarily progressively, the ‘normal classes’ and college-level courses. For those who were unable to attend the classes on site, they became subscribers to the Home Reading Plan, which later inaugurated the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle that would find chapters nationwide, allowing the most indigent or ancient of persons to participate. Both Miller and Vincent believed in a comprehensive and broad reading curriculum covering as many important subject matters as they could find teachers for. According to Theodore Morrison, the program formation and plan at Chautauqua represents the “polarity that has persisted in an institution of strongly Protestant heritage, a polarity between the popular, inspirational, moralistic if not outright evangelistic performance, and the more strenuously intellectual and advanced educational efforts of a Doresmus (46).” Vincent stresses that Sunday School workers should restrict their study to only utilitarian questions; such as questions relating to “organization, administration, and method; questions of accumulation, classification, and communication; questions about infant-classes, teachers and superintendents (28)” or they risk falling into a rut. Vincent wanted to attract the best of the nation to his Sunday-school training and was well aware that good minds would be thirsty for radical ideas and continuous challenge. Hence, the emphasis in a well-rounded curriculum beyond Sunday School pedagogy and its philosophy of governance. A brief survey of the bi-monthly (July-August 1894) “Catalogue of the System of Study at Chautauqua, New York” indicates a very strong emphasis on languages, both Biblical and modern. Studies in all established scientific fields of that period (such as physics, chemistry, geology and biology) were also on offer, as are mathematics and astronomy. Students can also choose courses in history, political science, social science and economics. Also in the catalogue are offerings from the “Schools of Sacred Literature” that include subjects such as “the Bible in English, the Bible in Hebrew and Greek, Biblical Literature, Biblical History, Biblical Theology, the Hebrew Language and New Testament Greek,” not quite unlike the modern day curriculum one may find in seminaries and divinity schools. As the catalogue demonstrates, there is no real separation between the ‘sacred’ and the ‘profane.’ Vincent himself affirms this when he said that

Chautauqua believes in the Bible as the revealed word of God. It therefore puts book and soul together, and trusts both thoroughly for fair treatment. It encourages Bible study. But it is possible to insist upon too many hours of Bible study each day. Even a good thing may be carried to excess. Busy brains need variety of occupation. There is increase of power in recreation. Good sense is a good balance-wheel for religious zeal…Things secular are under God’s governance, and are full of divine meanings. If God created all things, if he governs all things, if the channels of history have been furrowed out by his own hand, if the beating life of the physical universe is from Him who is Life before life, Life of all life, then nothing is secular in any such sense as to make it foreign or unattractive to the Saints of God. (29-31)

I would argue, somewhat tentatively, that the it is the attempt at combining Christian and secular studies that provide an opening for Vincent to propagate his personal interest in ‘sacred geography’ and therefore, to revive geopiety, because he was able to utilize the scientific-material culture that are already a part of Chautauqua’s educational curriculum to re-create a representation of the Biblical Holy Land. After all, Chatauqua as the place for the rational study of the Bible, nature and science, untarnished as it is by evangelical zealotry and charismatic emotionalism. The construction of the Palestine Park enabled his goal.

In 1874, W.W. Wythe, a local resident of Chautauqua, opened a landscape park known as the Palestine Park. It is a 170-foot scale model of the most ‘religiously’ relevant portions of the Holy Land, with Chautauqua Lake as the Mediterranean. Because of its popularity, Palestine Park went through many constructions, and cast-metal cities were added to the mix. This outdoor geographic model was used as a teaching tool, and lectures were given around the mountains and the “Sea of Galilee.” This enterprise of re-creating the Holy Land in North America is seen as a long-term project with ‘sacred’ underpinnings to the pedagogy (Yorke 257). Davis argues that Vincent’s interest in sacred geography means that there were “exhibitions of panorama paintings, stereo photographs, and lantern slides of Palestine, as well as lectures on the life in the Holy Land, symposia on Darwinian science and the Bible, language instruction in Hebrew, Arabic, and Aramaic, and the purchase of plaster casts from archaeological digs at Nineveh and elsewhere (257).” Some of these took place in the grounds of the Palestine Park, sometimes by the miniature mountains and cities, and at other times near the ‘Jordan River,’ watching the “water stream down the Jordan from the Sea of Galilee into the Dead Sea (257).” This scene was also illustrated in the novel, Four Girls of Chautauqua, written by a long-time visitor of the Chautauqua from the time of her girlhood, Isabella Alden (with the nom-de-plume of ‘Pansy’). In one section of her novel, three of the girls, Eurie, Flossy and Ruth, were met by Mr Evan Roberts who asked to be a member of their party as they walk to the Palestine Park. To illustrate the instructional aspect of this novel by way of the didactic tone taken up by the author, allow me to quote at length the section that demonstrates how Mr Roberts is giving the girls an education in sacred geography. The passage below is also representative of sentiment existing among the die-hard visitors to Chautauqua in general, and to the Park in particular:

“Are you going to visit the Holy Land this morning, and may I be of your party?” he asked.

“Yes,” Flossy answered, whether to the first question, or to both in one, she did not say. Then she introduced Eurie, and the three walked on together, discussing the morning and the meetings with zest.

“Here we are, on ‘Jordan’s stormy banks,'” Mr. Roberts said, at last, halting beside the grassy bank. “I suppose there was never a more perfect geographical representation than this.”

“Do you really think it has any practical value?” Eurie asked, skeptically.
Mr. Roberts looked at her curiously.

“Hasn’t it to you?” he said. “Now, to me, it is just brimful of interest and value; that is, as much value as geographical knowledge ever is. I take two views of it. If I never have an actual sight of the sacred land, by studying this miniature of it, I have as full a knowledge as it is possible to get without the actual view, and if I at some future day am permitted to travel there, why–well, you know of course how pleasant it is to be thoroughly posted in regard to the places of interest that you are about to visit; every European traveler understands that.”

“But do you suppose it is really an accurate outline?” Eurie said, again
quoting opinions that she had read until she fancied they were her own.

Again Mr. Roberts favored her with that peculiar look from under heavy eyebrows–a look half satirical, half amused.

“Some of the most skilled surveyors and traveled scholars have so reported,” he said, carelessly. “And when you add to that the fact that they are Christian men, who have no special reason for getting up a wholesale deception for us, and are supposed to be tolerably reliable on all other subjects, I see no reason to doubt the statement.”

On the whole, Eurie had the satisfaction of realizing that she had appeared like a simpleton.

Flossy, meantime, was wandering delightedly along the banks,
Stopping here and there to read the words on the little white tablets that marked the places of special interest.

“Do you see,” she said, turning eagerly, “that these are Bible references on each tablet? Wouldn’t it be interesting to know what they selected as the scene to especially mark this place?”

Mr. Roberts swung a camp-chair from his arm, planted it firmly in the ground, and drew a Bible from his pocket. (482-3)

Contained in Mr Roberts narrative is the historiography of Western explorers to the Holy Land that I have alluded to earlier in this paper and which are discussed in detail in books such as Yehoshua Ben-Arieh’s book The Rediscovery of the Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century and also in the chapter “Mapmakers and Their Holy Lands” in Burke O. Long’s book Imagining the Holy Land. Moreover, the rather condescending tone assumed by Mr Roberts insinuates the rather masculine Indiana-Jones sort of affair where exploration into the ‘exotic’ territory is concerned, leaving behind the ignorant ladies to oohs and aahs their way through the replicas (the ‘parlor’ tours).

Palestine Park was an overwhelming success, even if they have to replace the original plaster cities with metal-casts version due to continuous thefts and displacements of the originals, and their model was replicated in other Branch Chautauquas, sometimes at an even larger scale, such as those at Round Lake, New York, and Lakeside, Ohio (Davis 257). Davis ventures that decades prior to the creation of Chautauqua, groups of American Protestants had made futile attempts to “colonize and ‘revitalize’” the Holy Land. They had considered themselves as the second chosen people and hence are inheritors of the land left behind of the first-favored race. “Their settlement schemes shed light upon the American fixation on the land, as well as the wishful imperialism that underlies the rhetoric surrounding such visual evocations as Chautauqua’s park (259).”

To return to the pedagogical purpose of the Park, which is to acquaint people to what it was like to have lived in Biblical times, let us look at Vincent’s own personal view as to how the Park provides a multi-dimensional and multi-disciplinary explication of what he considers to be the salient features of the Holy Land, which are areas of the Land that lived Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, Samuel, Saul, David, Solomon and Jesus Christ had lived out their lives. Nevertheless, Vincent considered the Park not as something static, but as something that will continue to be renovated and improved upon for as long as Chautauqua remains, something which he had alluded to when he spoke of the repair of the old model of Palestine with fresh materials from Levant and Syria (248). However, he was fully aware of the different between the genuine product and a simulation of it. He further surmises:

The Park of Palestine was laid out on the grounds of the Sunday school Assembly, in order to provide a large map or model of the Holy Land for the instruction of teachers and young people interested in Bible history, and who desired to see topography which gives to that history such vividness and power. The model in stones and earth was not, of course, a true representation of the geology, the fauna, or the flora of the Holy Land. It is hoped that one of these days we shall have such a complete reproduction, on a small scale, of all the characteristics of Canaan, as shall render a visit to it second only to a vision of the land itself. The Park of Palestine was an attempt to present the general outline of the country, – the principle hills and valleys, the water-courses, the cities, etc. In this particular the Park was accurate and invaluable. One could get from it a general idea of the leading features of the country. A distinguished geographer, who honored it with a visit, remarked, ‘A study of this Park at Chautauqua, and Dr Perrine’s ‘Chromo of Palestine,’ are almost equivalent to an actual tour of the Holy Land.’ (264)

However, delimiting the Park to ‘salient features’ of Biblical Palestine risks imposing, as what opponents of Biblical Archaeology would argue, a ‘mythical’ and pseudo-scientific conceptualization of the land, and erasing from knowledge, an understanding of the bigger picture of the place’s geographical space and history. In other words, visitors of the Park only get to see what has been mediated for them by the ‘authorities’ of sacred literature. This is a form of imperialist-orientalism that seeks to erase from sight any references to that which is not part of the dominant Protestant-Christian imagery. Such a dangerous orientation demarcates arbitrarily what are legitimate forms of knowledge and what can be ignored. Therefore, the ‘pilgrims’ to the Park need not confront the realities of the Oriental other, but instead, have a ready-made and more palatable version that would not cause disruption to their fantasies. As Burke argues, “Chautauquans did not have to directly confront the social conditions of contemporary Catholic and Greek Orthodox Christians, Jews, and Muslims that may travelers found to be deeply troubling aspects of their pilgrimage… Chautauqua’s ‘Orientals’ made available not contemporary Ottoman Palestine but a fantasy of what could not be had, a land and people that had flourished in countless retellings in biblical stories, or perhaps in telling the singularly important narrative of redemption in Christ (20-1, 27).”

Nevertheless, to ensure the optimal utilization of such a valuable feat of engineering, Vincent has written Little Footprints in Bible Lands as lesson plans and teaching manual for the Palestine classes conducted in Chautauqua. The book contains quotations and stories from the Bible, Biblical geography and history (but with due respect to contemporary knowledge in these areas at the time of publication), hymns and question guides to help the teacher to decide where and when to hold each of the different lessons. Students were also thought methods of cartography so as to have a stronger sense of urgency as to the material they were studying (and of course, to help identify the replicas of the sites in the Park). Vincent does here what Vogel criticizes as an intention of making more real to the Americans the image of the Holy Land. Leaders such as Vincent and his peers were confident as to the degree of hold the Park had had over the people, and that their model is consistent with reality (3). However, I would disagree with Vogel’s presumption that the model represented by the Park sllows the viewers to perform an assorted perception of Palestine, for the only perception they could have had is that which had been drilled into them through the Palestine classes and the delimitations informed by the Holy Land replica. In fact, the very act of labeling a geographically bounded area of land ‘Holy’ already renders it suspect. Furthermore, assumptions already formed stemming from what they were taught in the Bible classes they had attended would not provide them with any exit from the preconceptions of the religious culture that had already situated their minds.

It is interesting to note that in the later years of the Chautauqua circuit, when Chautauqua began to hit the road and go from towns to towns to set up tents and produce their performances, particularly musicals and dramatic events, the ‘sacred’ aspect of the original purpose of its establishment has become more or less submerged. I would certainly like to explore further, through print culture, both from Chautauqua and through other primary printed serials, magazines, journals, reports and such, as to when the geopiety movement has become more sublimated, notwithstanding the fact that many still visit the Park in Orlando today. Moreover, I am interested to trace the geopious turn when the restraint affair that characterized Chautauqua in its early days have given way to the more evangelical propensity of the American religious culture in other religious theme parks.
The evolution of Chautauqua is representative of the revolution America has undergone in terms of the increasing urbanization and the rise of the middle-class in its society. Moreover, the diversification of the American society through immigration has significantly changed the demographics of the populace since the early days, and this certainly has a big impact in the way in which Chautauqua has shaped its educational program today.

However, it would be interesting to explore, should there be available materials, the negotiations of race and ethnicity among the subscribers to the programs by the Chautauqua Institute in its early days. Morrison has mentioned a miniscule number of non-white participants to the program (mainly blacks) but there has not been much work done on how non-whites negotiate the Holy Land mania, whether as onlookers or parallel participants. There is not much work done yet on relating the geopiety of non-white subjects with the culture and traditions which they have brought with them and then combine with newly acquired practices that are more amenable to their new habitats. What I have done here is to provide a preliminary review of the direction I intend to go with the research based on materials that I have access to at the moment.

– I would like to spend more time studying how Chautauqua’s program of scientific studies in the 19th century helps legitimate its work on sacred literature and sacred object. I have gestured towards the possibility that the institute’s commitment to improving the scientific education of its members and students is their strategy for creating a more scientifically-based approach to the study of Biblical archaeology and anthropological objects. This will help elucidate the climate of scientific popular culture and its relationship to the ‘sacred’ at that particular moment in time.
– Much work can also be done to sift through the Institute’s newspaper and other publications to trace the public relations machinery marshaled to turn Chautauqua into an integral part of the American cultural memory, especially its religious cultural memory.
– There has been mention in the secondary literature with regard to the role of women in the Chautauqua movements; as performers, editors, teachers, writers, musicians and the performance of other services. I would like to spend more time studying the gender equation and relationship in the advancement of the movement, as well as to elucidate the intellectual contributions made by women to the furtherance of the goals of the Institute, and to examine their roles in the geopiety movement. It is noted that John Heyl Vincent is a bit of an anti-feminists and conservative in matters of politics though not too much is known of his partner, Lester Miller. The Chautauqua movement was going on at around the same time as the Temperance and Suffrage movement so it would be interesting to see how the main players in these movements, beyond Frances Willard of the Temperance and Suffrage movement (it was mentioned that she had to play down her involvement in the Suffrage movement for fear of alienating Vincent), intersect and how the shared cultural ontology gave rise to these different movements (religious movements is also a part of this. The Chautauqua purports to be ecumenical but one would have to examine the early writings to understand the underlying theological discouse that marks that movement).

Catalogue of the System of Study at Chautauqua, New York, July and August
1894. New York: Chautauqua System of Education, 1894.

Alden, Isabella “Pansy”. “Four Girls at Chautauqua.” 2004. Project Gutenberg Ebook. 2 May 2010.

Davis, John. “Holy Land, Holy People? Photography, Semitic Wannabes, and Chautauqua’s Palestine Park.” Prospects: An Annual of American Cultural Studies 17 (1992): 241-71.

Long, Burke O. Imagining the Holy Land. Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2003.

Morrison, Theodore. Chautauqua: A Center for Education, Religion, and the Arts in America. Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press, 1974.

Rowan, Yorke. “Repackaging the Pilgrimage: Visiting the Holy Land in Orlando.” Marketing Heritage: Archaeology and the Consumption of the Past. Ed. Yorke & Uzi Baram Rowan. vols. Walnut Creek: Altamira Press, 2004. 249-66.

Vincent, John Heyl. Chautauqua Movement. Boston: Chautauqua Press, 1886.
—. Little Footprints in Bible Lands. New York: Carlton & Lanahan, 1861.

Vincent, Leon H. John Heyl Vincent: A Biographical Sketch. New York: Macmillan Company, 1925.

Vogel, Lester I. To See a Promised Land: Americans and the Holy Land in the Nineteenth Century. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993.

Wright, John Kirtland. “Notes on Early American Geopiety.” Human Nature in Geography: Fourteen Papers, 1925-1965. vols. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1966. 250-85.

One Comment leave one →
  1. December 24, 2010 11:25 pm

    The scientific method is a common method used by many scientists to examine and study all the phenomena (either natural phenomena or physical phenomena) that exist in the universe, to find out that there are logical and acceptable. The scientific method is a scholarly process to acquire new knowledge, in order to get the information and explanations to find a truth. Francesco Redi and Louis Pasteur used the scientific method to disprove spontaneous generation ideas put forward by Aristotle about the origin of life.

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